Mostrando postagens com marcador Brasil. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Brasil. Mostrar todas as postagens

quarta-feira, 14 de dezembro de 2016

UN: Brazil 20-year public expenditure cap will breach human rights













GENEVA 
9 December 2016

Government plans to freeze social spending in Brazil for 20 years are entirely incompatible with the country’s human rights obligations, according to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Philip Alston. 

The principal and unavoidable effect of a proposed amendment to the Constitution designed to ‘lock in’ a budget freeze in order to show fiscal prudence will be to harm the poor for decades to come, the expert warned. The amendment, due to be voted on by Brazil’s Senate on 13 December, is known as PEC 55 or the New Fiscal Regime.

“If adopted, this amendment would lock in inadequate and rapidly dwindling expenditure on health care, education and social security, thus putting an entire generation at risk of social protection standards well below those currently in place,” Mr. Alston said.

The independent expert appointed by the UN Human Rights Council called on the Brazilian Government to ensure a proper public debate on PEC 55, to estimate its impact on the poorest segments of society, and to identify alternative measures to achieve the goals of austerity.

“One thing is certain,” he stressed. “It is completely inappropriate to freeze only social expenditure and to tie the hands of all future governments for another two decades.  If this amendment is adopted it will place Brazil in a socially retrogressive category all of its own.”

The plan to change the Constitution for the next 20 years comes from a Government that came to power after the impeachment of the former President and which has thus never presented a program to the electorate. This raises even stronger concerns about the proposal to tie the hands of future governments.

Brazil is Latin America’s largest economy and has suffered its deepest recession in decades, with an unemployment rate that has almost doubled since the beginning of 2015.

The Government says a spending freeze mandated by the constitution will increase investors’ confidence by reducing public debt and interest rates, and will therefore help pull the country out of recession. But the  special rapporteur warns it will have a severe impact on the least well-off.

“This is a radical measure, lacking in all nuance and compassion,” he said.
“It will hit the poorest and most vulnerable Brazilians the hardest, will increase inequality levels in an already very unequal society, and definitively signals that social rights are a very low priority for Brazil for the next 20 years.” 

He added: “It clearly violates Brazil’s obligations under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which it ratified in 1992, not to take ‘deliberately retrogressive measures’ unless there are no alternative options and full consideration has been given to ensure that the measures are necessary and proportionate.”

Mr. Alston pointed out that over the last few decades, Brazil had established an impressive social protection system aiming to eradicate poverty and recognize people’s rights to education, healthcare, work and social security.

“These policies have contributed substantially to reducing poverty and inequality in the country. It would be a historic mistake to turn back the clock now,” he said.

Brazil’s National Education Plan calls for adding R$37 billion annually to provide a quality education for all students, while this amendment will reduce planned spending by R$47 billion over the next eight years.  With more than 3.8 million children out of school, Brazil cannot ignore their right to go to school, nor the right of all children to a quality education.

The debate on PEC 55 has been rushed through the National Congress by the new Government with limited participation by the groups affected, and without studying its impact on human rights. A recent survey suggested that that 43% of Brazilians are not aware of the plan, and among those who are aware, a majority oppose it.

The expert, who is engaging with the Brazilian Government to clarify the process and substance of the proposed amendment, stressed that “showing fiscal and economic prudence and honouring international human rights law are not mutually exclusive, as both focus on the importance of carefully designed measures that avoid negative effects on people as much as possible.”

“Immediate negative effects need to be balanced with potential longer-term gains, as well as efforts to protect the most vulnerable, especially the poorest in society,” he the noted.

“International economic studies, including research by the International Monetary Fund, show that fiscal consolidation typically has the short-term effect of reducing incomes, raising unemployment and increasing income inequality.  And in the long-term there is no empirical evidence to suggest that these measures will achieve the objectives suggested by the Government,” the expert underscored.

Mr. Alston’s appeal to the Brazilian authorities has been endorsed by the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, Ms. Koumbou Boly Barry.

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms of the Human Rights Council that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. 

Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.


domingo, 1 de maio de 2016

The Challenges Awaiting Temer’s Top Diplomat























Post Western World
Oliver Stuenkel - 27.04.2016

Whoever will be chosen by incoming President Michel Temer to head Brazil's Foreign Ministry faces a set of daunting challenges. Above all, he (sadly, there is not a single woman among the candidates) must reassure the international community that Brazil's crisis is under control and that the new government has the means and the legitimacy needed to get Brazil out of its mess. 
Along with the Chief of Staff (who must deliver a majority in Congress) the Minister of Finance and President of the Central Bank (who must design a viable economic strategy), Temer's Foreign Minister will inevitably play a key role in the new President's cabinet: regaining international investor confidence by orchestrating a global communication strategy will be crucial to stop the currently dominant sensation of gloom.
Temer's top diplomat will have a few things going in his favor: His boss needs no convincing that the Foreign Ministry is a key tool in his plan to get Brazil's economy back on track. In addition, he will lead a global diplomatic network of a size most other developing countries (such as India) can only dream of. 
Indeed, a Foreign Minister with direct access to and unmitigated support by the President could revive Brazil's international strategy relatively quickly. Finally, the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro in August, the UN General Assembly in September and the BRICS Summit in October provide great opportunities to get the message out.
Yet the challenges are mind-boggling. Above all, while there is little doubt that Temer's economic team -- likely to be headed by Lula's former Central Bank President Henrique Meirelles -- has a credible plan, there is great skepticism about whether Brazil's Congress will approve the painful austerity measures ahead of the municipal elections later this year. 
Temer is a far more skilled political negotiator than Rousseff, who paid too little attention to Congress. But Temer's hands will be tied as cutting public spending and reducing the number of ministries will make pork barrel politics more difficult. 
If there is one big international consequence of April 17 (the day both Brazil and the world watched, with a mix of amazement and disgust, the impeachment vote in Congress), it is that that even the casual Brazil watcher abroad now has a keen sense of how decisive Brazil's Congress is to understand the country's political destiny. 
At international meetings, no future Brazilian Foreign Minister will be able to easily brush off questions about the President's capacity to work with Congress. 
Making matters even more difficult for Temer, he will be the first President since 2002 to face a focused and well-organized opposition, that will make a lot of noise not only at home, but also abroad, where the Workers Party (PT) possesses excellent contacts.
Secondly, while the international community does not regard Temer as a coup-monger, there is a clear understanding that the incoming President, unpopular at home and under scrutiny over testimony linking him to a Petrobras graft scandal, may not be seen as the change the Brazilian public longs for. That is particularly important as corruption has gained, over the past years, a much greater visibility in international affairs. 
Any attempt by Temer to stifle the Lava Jato investigation will inevitably have international repercussions. Concerns are not only of ethical nature. Rather, many observers regard corruption in Brazil to be so systemic that international investors think twice about betting on Latin America's largest economy. 
Investigations about corrupt practices by Brazilian companies abroad (primarily in Latin America and Africa) will force Brazil's Foreign Minister to adopt a tough rhetoric on corruption and perhaps even take the lead internationally on the matter -- a balancing act considering that not only Temer, but several of his allies have been accused, in plea bargains, of corrupt practices.
The third challenge is of logistical nature. As Matias Spektor pointed out recently, Temer may be reluctant to travel abroad because, according to Brazilian law, Eduardo Cunha, Brazil's Speaker of the Lower House and the country's most hated politician in recent memory, would temporarily take over in such instances. Considering how toxic the association with Cunha is for Michel Temer, the latter may seek to avoid international travel as much as possible. 
That increases the importance of the Foreign Minister even further. To compensate for this difficulty, Temer may scale a political heavy-weight as Special Advisor for International Affairs (a type of National Security Advisor), a position held, over the past years, by Marco Aurélio Garcia.
Temer's top diplomat will thus face great opportunities, but also tremendous risks. As the crucial Senate vote on May 11 is approaching (Temer is expected to present his entire cabinet hours after the decision), all applicants for the job are seeking to make their case. 
While some expect a politician and long-term Temer ally, others point to career diplomats (such as Roberto Jaguaribe, currently Brazil's Ambassador in China), or even the incumbent, Mauro Vieira, who is now openly disassociating himself from President Rousseff. 
Contrary to his predecessors, Vieira has a keen understanding of the machiavellian world of politics in Brasília. What counts against him is just as powerful. He served under President Rousseff, which would weaken the message Temer will ask his top diplomat to tell the rest of the world: Brazil has turned the page.

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